Friday, October 5, 2012

Sex education is about a lot more than the mechanics

The Christian Institute may hope to provoke an outcry about sex education from frightened parents. But there is no cause for alarm
A year 6 sex education class in Lambeth
A year 6 sex education class. Photograph: David Levene for the Guardian The report by the Christian Institute, which tries to raise concerns – and headlines – about sex and relationships education (SRE) in primary schools, is particularly worried about "explicit" materials that it says may become more widespread if a campaign for compulsory SRE in schools succeeds.

If I wasn't working in SRE, and if I had a child of primary school age, and if I were to read this report without any critical viewing whatsoever, then I'd probably be a little scared and worried about what my child might be taught.

The report repeatedly refers to sex education rather than sex and relationships education, and it cherrypicks examples from resources that refer to sexual body parts and sexual acts.

What it ignores is that sexual anatomy and descriptions of sexual acts are only a very small part of a broad and comprehensive SRE programme, especially at primary school age.

Children need to know how their bodies work; that touching, for example, the clitoris can feel nice; that some touching is appropriate and some isn't; that adults have sex and what that means; that some people love people of the same sex. A good SRE programme might include this material in primary school (at the appropriate age), but it certainly would not include only this.

Just as sex is about much more than just the mechanics of the sexual experience, so sex education is not just about teaching the mechanics. Take a look at this fantastic online curriculum planner from the (maligned in the report) Sex Education Forum .

You can see that the recommended curriculum for primary school is more about relationships with family and friends, body changes, feelings, emotions, keeping safe, life cycles, gender and asking for help. I think most parents would agree that this is all pretty reasonable.

Age and cultural appropriateness is key in SRE. The work I do is mainly aimed at over-14s and there is no way on earth I would want my materials to be used for primary school kids. No sex educator wants to upset parents, teachers or children. And there is simply no point in teaching stuff that is going over kids' heads.

Teachers know what level of understanding their pupils are at and they are often the best judge of what materials are appropriate. They use their professional judgment now, and, even if SRE does become compulsory, they will do so in the future. The resources recommended by local authorities and the Sex Education Forum are just that, recommendations.

The Christian Institute report advises parents to contact schools to find out what is being taught and what materials are being used. This I agree with wholeheartedly. Schools can and should work with parents around SRE.

Parents should know what is going into a curriculum and should be able to look at the materials used. They could be loaned materials to back up what is being taught in school. They could even be offered training about how to talk to their kids about sex.

Schools Keep the faith: Should Muslim children receive sex education?

A group run by a member of a radical Islamic organisation is opposing plans to give five-year-olds sex education. Pupils at the Islamic school in Kilburn, North London
In an underground hall at the London Central Mosque in Regent Street, a group of parents sitting on plastic chairs is clustered around a power point. A small, neatly dressed man at the front welcomes them, introducing himself as Yusuf Patel. "As Muslims we believe in values," he says, "We believe in haraam and halal, but sex and relationship education (SRE) teaching in this country does not provide this. It is the responsibility of parents to see their children educated, but not at the expense of these values."


Patel's organisation, SREIslamic, was established eight months ago to encourage Muslims to respond to the Government's consultation about whether to make SRE compulsory and extend it to five-year-olds. Since then, the organisation claims, it has held 40 workshops across the country and collected tens of thousands of signatures from Muslims opposed to the measures.

But Patel is not only a concerned parent and campaigner. According to his website, he is also a member of Hizb ut-Tahrir, an Islamist organisation that Tony Blair considered banning in 2005. Patel's brother, Jalaluddin, is the former UK head of the political party, which is barred in countries including Germany, Russia and Egypt. Should we be concerned that, like other far-right or religious groups in Britain, SREIslamic might be using a sensitive community grievance to pursue a wider political agenda?

Although Hizb ut-Tahrir says it does not advocate violence, it is opposed to Western-style democracy and believes in establishing a global caliphate under sharia law. There is no evidence of its involvement in terrorism, but some of its members have defended terrorist acts abroad, most recently when a member described Pakistani militants as "brothers".

Hizb ut-Tahrir keeps membership figures secret, but it is active in the UK, particularly on student campuses. In terms of education policy, its website states its belief in the segregation of the sexes. The group also supported the case of Shabina Begum, a 16-year-old girl who fought in court for the right to wear her jilbaab to school. The National Union of Students gives it no platform, however, and many British mosques bar the group from campaigning on site.

After the workshop, Patel declined to answer questions about his political beliefs. In a subsequent email, he confirmed his membership of Hizb ut-Tahrir, but denied any formal link between the party and SREIslamic, as did Hizb ut-Tahrir's press officer. In the workshop, it was hard to tell whether Patel is constructively engaging in local democracy or stirring up tension. "As a community, we have a right to express our concerns but we have been labelled," he said. "Parents have concerns within their minds about speaking out. 'How will teachers see us?' and 'What are the repercussions for my child?'."

While talking, he held up examples of classroom materials used to teach students about homosexuality – "King meets King" and "Tango makes three" drew sniggers from the audience. "We believe in the primacy of marriage – that is the only way to create a family. That's the only way to complete half our religion, and it is under attack," he added. "We don't believe homosexuality is an acceptable lifestyle choice."

SREIslamic is not manufacturing these concerns. Earlier this year, 30 parents faced disciplinary action after withdrawing children at George Tomlinson School in Leytonstone, East London, from a week of lessons discussing homosexuality. Although most were Muslim, parents of other faiths and cultures were also angry at not being consulted about the school's plans. The charges have since been dropped, but the damage to teacher-parent relations is unlikely to dissipate so easily.

Muslim parents beyond Leytonstone may find it difficult to voice their views. For them, SREIslamic provides a space to discuss their worries where the mainstream does not. Patel's talk provided a clear description of the way SRE works, and informed parents of their right to withdraw children from SRE lessons that go beyond biology (an offer that only 0.04 per cent of parents take up, mostly for religious reasons). Patel also encouraged this under-represented group to become school governors and engage in political consultation. Like other fringe groups in the UK, SREIslamic provides an avenue for Muslims to voice their concerns.

The audience seemed unaware of his connection with Hizb ut-Tahrir, and there was nothing in the workshop to make them think otherwise. They weren't there to pursue a wild political project; they just wanted the best for their children. As one said: "Parents and schools have a responsibility to teach children about these things. I just don't want it to put options on the table that wouldn't have been there otherwise. We can't sacrifice all of our religion to make people happy."

It is not just parents who are concerned. Sabiha Iqbal, of Bradford, is an 18-year-old student with a passion for community activism. Her experience in mainstream schools has led her to believe all sides in the SRE debate are failing. "In our [Muslim] religion, sex is put on a high ground, but in school it is just taught as something to do as safely as possible," she argues. "Teachers don't talk about the sanctity of sexual relationships. They kind of said there was more to it than we thought, but didn't really explain what that was – that can seem really confusing.

"A lot of young people I know are scared of asking their family questions because they might get judged. We need to change that even if it feels uncomfortable. The Koran doesn't say you can't think or talk about these things, it just says you can't act on them. I worry that people like Hizb ut-Tahrir don't want kids to talk about these issues at all." Further investigation makes one realise there is no single Islamic position on the issue. Dr Shaaz Mahboob, an NHS manager who is also vice-chairman of British Muslims for Secular Democracy, wants his seven-year-old daughter to be taught sex education. He worries that SREIslamic and groups like it could advocate a whole range of policies in the name of Islam that he does not recognise as legitimate.

"You cannot say there is an 'Islamic perspective' for the Government to take into account because there isn't one – there are usually four or five schools of thought on every issue. That's why you need a secular approach that's based on evidence," he says. "[Hizb ut-Tahrir] are not elected representatives of the Muslim community, they are a lobbying group who want to create a global Islamic state based on their interpretation of Islam. Even if parents are not interested in this agenda, they will listen to their thoughts on sex education. They'll use this consultation to build sympathy with Muslim parents and then, perhaps, move on to religious classes or separating girls and boys. If the Government starts listening to these things, it is difficult to see how it will end."

Abstinence and Sex Education

Introduction

In recent years there has been discussion about what form sex education should take, and the advantages and disadvantages of adopting an abstinence based approach as an alternative to a more comprehensive approach. Despite recent changes in public policy within the United States which has seen a cessation of federal funding for abstinence only programmes of sex education, programmes of this kind continue in both the USA, other parts of the developed world and are even expanding in some of the countries most affected by HIV and AIDS because of funding made available through the PEPFAR (President's Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief) programme.

What is an abstinence based approach to sex education?

Youth abstinence activity in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Youth abstinence activity in Kinshasa, DRC
An abstinence based approach to sex education focuses on teaching young people that abstaining from sex until marriage is the best means of ensuring that they avoid infection with HIV, other sexually transmitted infections and unintended pregnancy. As well as seeing abstinence from sex as the best option for maintaining sexual health, many supporters of abstinence based approaches to sex education also believe that it is morally wrong for people to have sex before they are married. Abstinence approaches are represented in programmes such as Aspire and True Love Waits (both developed in the US), which aim to teach young people that they should commit to abstaining from sex until marriage.

Although not all abstinence education programmes are the same, they share the fundamental purpose of teaching the social, psychological, and health gains to be realised by abstaining from sexual activity. As such, abstinence education tends to include the following teaching objectives, which are derived from a definition given in Federal Law in the United States:
  • Abstinence from sexual activity outside marriage is the expected standard for all school age children
  • Abstinence from sexual activity is the only certain way to avoid out of wedlock pregnancy, sexually transmitted diseases, and other associated health problems
  • A mutually faithful, monogamous relationship in the context of marriage is the expected standard of sexual activity
  • Sexual activity outside the context of marriage is likely to have harmful psychological and physical effects
  • Bearing children out of wedlock is likely to have harmful consequences for the child, the child’s parents, and society
  • How to reject sexual advances and that alcohol and drug use increases vulnerability to sexual advances
  • The importance of attaining self sufficiency before engaging in sexual activity

How does this differ from comprehensive sex education?

The main difference between abstinence based and comprehensive approaches to sex education is that comprehensive approaches do not focus either solely or so closely on teaching young people that they should abstain from sex until they are married. Although comprehensive approaches do explain to young people the potential benefits of delaying having sex until they are emotionally and physically ready, they also make sure that they are taught how to protect themselves from infections and pregnancy when they do decide to have sex. In the UK, this approach has been taken by the organisation Apause, which includes the postponement of first intercourse as part of their wider school-based Sex and Relationships Education programme.

Descriptions of what programmes of comprehensive sex education comprise are contained in guidelines produced by SIECUS (Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States) and UNESCO.

Can abstinence based and comprehensive approaches to sex education be combined?

Some people have argued that is it possible to combine the main elements of both comprehensive and abstinence based approaches to sex education in one approach. These people point out that supporters of both abstinence based and comprehensive approaches share the view that sex education plays an important role in HIV prevention and both approaches emphasise the potential benefits of delaying having sexual intercourse in terms of helping young people avoid HIV, other STIs and unintended pregnancies. On the basis of this it has been argued that abstinence based and comprehensive approaches can be reconciled into one inclusive approach which is sometimes called abstinence plus.

In abstinence plus sex education, although the main emphasis is on abstaining from sex as the preferred choice of protection, young people are also provided with information about contraception and disease prevention so that they can protect themselves when they do become sexually active. One example of an abstinence plus approach is the US developed Reducing the Risk. The RISK approach comprises of a school based curricula which explicitly emphasise that students should avoid unprotected intercourse, either by not having sex or (for students who choose to have sex) by using contraceptives.

So why is there so much disagreement?

Despite the similarities in some of the things that supporters of abstinence based and comprehensive approaches believe about sex education and what it can achieve in terms of young people's sexual health, it is probably overly optimistic to think that it is possible to build consensus on a single approach. This is because these superficial similarities mask profound differences in the values and attitudes which inform the views of supporters of abstinence based and comprehensive sex education.

Moral and religious views

Billboard promoting abstinence until marriage in Arkansas, USA
A billboard promoting 'abstinence until marriage' in Arkansas, USA
Many supporters of abstinence based sex education have a background in or connection to Christian organisations that have strong views about sex and sexuality. Not only do they often believe that sex should only take place in the context of marriage, but some are also opposed to same sex relationships and abortion.
 As a result of the strong faith basis for their beliefs about sex, supporters of abstinence education see the main objective as being to equip (and encourage) young people to refuse or avoid sex altogether, and they may exclude from their programmes any other information that they believe conflicts with this view. This may result in an abstinence only course failing to include basic information about what activities transmit HIV and how such transmission can be avoided.

Even where supporters of abstinence based sex education disavow a strong religious basis for their beliefs about what young people should be taught, they often highlight issues about fidelity to one partner, and reject provision of information about steps young people can take to protect themselves against disease and unintended pregnancy because they argue that to do so sends a mixed message.

In contrast, most supporters of comprehensive sex education regard having sex and issues to do with sexuality as matters of personal choice that should not be dictated by religious or political dogmas. Working from an understanding of human rights, which means that people are entitled to access information about matters that affect them and the decisions that they make, they see sex education as being about providing young people with the means by which they can protect themselves against abuse and exploitation as well as unintended pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases and HIV/AIDS. They argue that without access to information about all aspects of sex and sexuality making these decisions freely is impossible. While they think that it is important that sex education is sensitive to faith issues, they assert that sex education should not be based on any set of specific religious values.

Different ‘problem’, different ‘solution’

These fundamentally different views about sex and sexuality mean that supporters of abstinence based and comprehensive approaches to sex education see the 'problem' of what to do about young people and sex quite differently and therefore reach quite different conclusions about the 'solution'. If, as supporters of comprehensive sex education tend to believe, the underlying premise of sexual health interventions is to meet social and utilitarian ideals then the solutions that are proposed are more likely to include earlier and more comprehensive sex education, more liberal abortion laws and freely available contraception. By contrast if, as supporters of abstinence based approaches feel, the underlying motive has a strong religious dimension then the solutions are more likely to revolve around abstinence campaigns and be characterised by reluctance to promote contraception.

But which method of sex education is best?

One of the ways in which the debate between supporters of abstinence and comprehensive approaches to sex education has been framed is in terms of which is the most effective.

Although at first glance the evidence can seem confusing, with claims coming from both groups about the proven effectiveness of programmes embodying their values, when only the most reliable studies are taken into account the position is clear. There is good evidence, from reviews of studies and studies of programmes implemented in the US, UK and other European countries and countries in Africa and Asia, that comprehensive sex education can reduce behaviours that put young people at risk of HIV, STIs and unintended pregnancy. Studies have repeatedly shown too that this kind of sex education does not lead to the earlier onset of sexual activity among young people and, in some cases, will even lead to it happening later.
“Studies have repeatedly shown that comprehensive sex education does not lead to earlier onset of sexual activity”
In contrast, there is no such robust evidence for the effectiveness of abstinence education. Almost all the studies that have claimed to show any positive outcomes are not well enough designed to sustain these claims so it is not possible to infer whether they work or not from the research reports. Several academic reviews suggest that abstinence only programmes generally have no effects on young people’s sexual behaviour. In just a few cases abstinence only programmes may encourage young people to delay first sexual intercourse in the short-term. Worryingly, some of these studies also suggest that compared to other young people those who do receive abstinence only programmes may be less knowledgeable about STDs and less likely to believe that condoms provide effective protection against them.

What does research show about the effects of abstinence based approaches?

The research that is available currently shows at best mixed outcomes for abstinence based approaches to sex education, benefiting some young people in the short term but placing them at greater risks later.
Two studies suggest that for some young people making pledges to abstain from sexual intercourse until marriage does lead to delay in the timing of their first sexual intercourse. But these young people tend to hold strong religious beliefs and enjoy being an exclusive group among peers who do not take abstinence pledges. This means that pledging abstinence is not appropriate for young people who do not hold strong religious views and, moreover, if lots of young people are involved in making pledges (as using abstinence education as a method of sex education requires) the sense of being special will be dissipated. In addition, the majority of young people who take abstinence pledges still have sex before they are married and when they do they report using condoms less often than 'non-pledgers' and are more likely to substitute anal or oral sex for vaginal sexual intercourse.


In April 2007 the results were published of a Congressionally mandated evaluation of federally funded abstinence based programmes in American schools. The investigation, which looked at four programmes offering a range of settings and strategies, found that rates of abstinence and unprotected sex in students who took part in the programmes were virtually identical to rates among students who had been randomly assigned to not take part. The ages at first sexual intercourse were also nearly identical, as were the numbers of sexual partners. It appears that the programmes had no impact on how the students behaved.

With regards to HIV prevention, a systematic review of all relevant studies concluded, "Evidence does not indicate that abstinence only interventions effectively decrease or exacerbate HIV risk among participants in high-income countries; trials suggest that the programs are ineffective." Nevertheless the authors stressed the lack of robust data and the need for more rigorous trials. They noted that most studies have been conducted among American youth, which may limit the generalisability of their findings.

Assessing the effectiveness of abstinence plus sex education programmes, in comparison to abstinence only programmes, is hampered by the lack of academic reviews. However, one recent and very robust review suggests that neither are very effective and that there are good grounds for believing that failure to provide young people with information about contraception prevents them from knowing about facts which have the greatest potential to protect them against pregnancy and STDs.

What is the difference in the content of abstinence based and comprehensive programmes of sex education?

Another way in which the debate gets framed is in relation to differences in beliefs about what the 'real facts' are that young people should be presented with in the context of sex education. Many supporters of abstinence based sex education say that comprehensive programmes are too positive about the protective potential of contraceptives and understate their failure rate and the risks of contracting HIV or another STI. In addition, they criticise programmes of comprehensive sex education for placing too little emphasis on abstinence and sending young people a mixed message by referring both to abstaining from or delaying when they first have sexual intercourse, and the benefits of using contraception.
Some reviews of abstinence based programmes suggest factual inaccuracies.
For their part critics of abstinence based programmes have said that they are too negative about the effectiveness of contraception and sometimes include inaccurate information about failure rates. Proponents of abstinence based approaches have been accused of overstating condom failure rates, exaggerating the risks of infection with HIV and other STIs, reinforcing gender and sexuality stereotypes, and presenting sex and sexuality in an overly negative way.


The criticisms leveled against comprehensive programmes of sex education are difficult to sustain because research suggests that in practice many sex educators are very concerned not to present sex in too positive a light and tend to avoid coverage of sensitive and potentially embarrassing subjects like homosexuality and abortion. Young people consistently report that the underlying message is that they should not have sex.
Moreover, much of the evidence for the ineffectiveness of condoms and other contraceptives cited by critics of comprehensive programmes is highly suspect, being based on poor quality research or the outcome of a partial reading of its results.

In contrast, those criticisms leveled at abstinence based approaches do seem to have a firmer foundation. Some reviews of programme materials suggest factual inaccuracies - such as massively overestimating the prevalence of HIV and STIs and the failure rates of condoms when properly used - are common. These reviews have also shown that these programmes tend to project stereotypes about gender, repress information about positive aspects of sexual relationships, and overstate the emotional risks and dangers associated with sex.

Is it realistic to encourage abstinence until marriage?

The premise on which abstinence based sex education is founded - that it is reasonable to wait until marriage before having sex for the first time and then be faithful to that one partner for life - may well be unrealistic for many young people because it fails to reflect the nature of modern, industrial societies in which people marry later in life, if at all. And with the high frequency of breakdown in marriage, people are very likely to have several sexual partners over their lifetime.
Across the US, the UK and the rest of Europe data on sexual lifestyles consistently show that the age at which people first marry has risen to around 30 years old and that about a fifth of marriages end in divorce or separation within five years. Yet while the age at which people marry has risen, the age at which they first have sexual intercourse has been falling to around 16 years old, and a diminishing minority of people report that their first sexual partner was also their marriage partner. Data on young people’s sexual lifestyles and behaviour from countries in the developing world where HIV is most prevalent also suggest that advice to abstain from sex until marriage may be wildly out of step with accepted cultural norms.

So can we decide whether one approach is better than the other?

It is very important to note that debates about research into the effectiveness of different types of sex education, and criticisms of the extent to which programmes contain factual inaccuracies and are guilty of stereotyping, do not always represent objective attempts to weigh the evidence that these studies have produced. While the debate between supporters of both approaches has populated these areas of difference it is not in pursuit of a resolution of their differences but rather a definitive answer that suits their moral agenda. There is no doubt that, whatever evidence is assembled, people who hold particular strong moral views are unlikely to give up supporting their preferred approach regardless of whether it works or whether someone else thinks it presents a distorted picture of the facts.

Which view is in the ascendancy?

There is no doubt that abstinence based approaches gathered political and financial support in the United States during the early 2000s when they were strongly associated with the moral and religious inclinations of the Republican Party and the Presidency of George W. Bush. Indeed, more than 80% of the $1.5 billion spent on abstinence education since 1982 was spent under the Bush administration, with the 2007 budget granting approximately $204 million to abstinence only education programmes.

However, the Obama administration has withdrawn Federal support for abstinence only programmes within the United States. The budget plans for 2010 have proposed that over $100 million will be directed to teenage pregnancy programmes which have been shown to be evidentially effective.

The effect that the change in policy in the USA will have on sex education in countries severely effected by HIV and AIDS which receive funding via PEPFAR is not yet clear. When PEPFAR was reauthorised in 2008, the requirement that a third of funds allocated to HIV prevention be spent on abstinence only programmes was replaced with the requirement of a written report to Congress if less than a half of HIV prevention funds are spent on abstinence only sex education. Although the effects of this change in legislation remain to be seen, HIV and AIDS organisations have argued that it sustains a bias towards abstinence only programmes in countries which receive PEPFAR funding.

In the UK, abstinence education has no support in public policy and receives no funding from government, although there is an expectation that sex educators in schools will emphasise the potential benefits of delaying or abstaining from sexual activity alongside providing information about contraception, sexual health services, sexuality and gender issues.

What is the current situation with abstinence based sex education in the US?

The impact of the radical shift in public policy in the United States away from abstinence based sex education is yet to be determined. However, the current position seems to be one in which abstinence education has become somewhat entrenched in some states.

A survey in 2009 found that while 21 states and the District of Columbia mandate that public schools teach sex education, many more spell out requirements on how the topics of abstinence and contraception should be dealt with in the context of any teaching. The survey found that in general there was a greater tendency to require that abstinence be stressed than that programmes cover contraception.

In contrast to this trend, some states seem to have been actively engaged in consolidating comprehensive provision and an increasing number have chosen not to receive federal funding for abstinence based sex education.

Is abstinence education supported by young people, parents and schools?

Surveys of teachers, parents and young people consistently show that abstinence based sex education has little widespread public support. State based studies, such as a survey of parents in North Carolina and another in Minnesota conducted in 2005 and 2006-7 respectively, show an overwhelming majority supporting the provision of sex education via schools and that it be comprehensive. These results support evidence gleaned in previous studies which have found overwhelming support for sex education in school and little local controversy about its provision and organisation within schools.

In the UK an even greater proportion of parents and young people support comprehensive approaches to sex education. Young people want AIDS education in school and want to be informed of the facts that will enable them to make their own informed decisions.

Why is the debate about abstinence education important in terms of HIV/AIDS prevention?

Globally, the greatest HIV and AIDS burden falls on young people. Sex education is recognised as a major component of HIV prevention targeting young people; what form it takes and whether or not it works impacts directly on the HIV risk to which they are exposed. AIDS education for young people is a crucial factor in determining the extent to which they are at risk of HIV infection.

Billboard promoting abstinence for HIV preventionin Ghana
A billboard promoting abstinence for HIV prevention in Tamale, Ghana
With considerable amounts of money continuing to be dedicated to abstinence only programmes under the President's Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief, abstinence education is being promoted in some of the countries worst affected by HIV and AIDS. This raises a number of concerns about whether this is an appropriate approach in contexts where HIV is very prevalent and sexual intercourse before marriage is widespread, and, particularly, whether such programmes will withhold accurate information about condoms.

All the evidence clearly shows that the best way to progress HIV prevention through sex education is through comprehensive programmes. Despite generating considerable debate and political support, particularly in the United States, abstinence education represents, primarily, a minority moral movement rather than an effective response to the sexual health needs and behaviour of young people.

As the experiences around the world demonstrate - a good example of which can be found in Uganda - what works in terms of sex education for HIV prevention is a comprehensive approach that is sensitive to the needs and experiences of particular groups. For unmarried, sexually active young people abstinence messages are not effective, whereas promoting faithfulness to one partner, condom use and abstinence is effective. Abstinence messages work to some extent for younger sexually inactive people, but they need to have information about contraception and risk-reduction behaviour for when they do decide to have sex. Everyone has the right to the information that can enable them to protect themselves against HIV infection - it is neither Christian nor moral to refuse them.

Does Sex Ed Undermine Parental Rights?

IMAGINE you have a 10- or 11-year-old child, just entering a public middle school. How would you feel if, as part of a class ostensibly about the risk of sexually transmitted diseases, he and his classmates were given “risk cards” that graphically named a variety of solitary and mutual sex acts? Or if, in another lesson, he was encouraged to disregard what you told him about sex, and to rely instead on teachers and health clinic staff members?

That prospect would horrify most parents. But such lessons are part of a middle-school curriculum that Dennis M. Walcott, the New York City schools chancellor, has recommended for his system’s newly mandated sex-education classes. There is a parental “opt out,” but it is very limited, covering classes on contraception and birth control.

Observers can quarrel about the extent to which what is being mandated is an effect, or a contributing cause, of the sexualization of children in our society at younger ages. But no one can plausibly claim that teaching middle-schoolers about mutual masturbation is “neutral” between competing views of morality; the idea of “value free” sex education was exploded as a myth long ago. The effect of such lessons is as much to promote a certain sexual ideology among the young as it is to protect their health.

But beyond rival moral visions, the new policy raises a deeper issue: Should the government force parents — at least those not rich enough to afford private schooling — to send their children to classes that may contradict their moral and religious values on matters of intimacy and personal conduct?

Liberals and conservatives alike should say no. Such policies violate parents’ rights, whether they are Muslim, Jewish, Christian, Hindu, Buddhist or of no religion at all. To see why, we need to think carefully about the parent-child relationship that gives rise to the duties that parental rights serve and protect.

Parents are responsible for bringing new people into the world, bound to them by blood and, ordinarily, deep feeling. These people are incapable of developing their uniquely human capacities on their own, giving parents an obligation to their children and to society to help them reach maturity — one that requires attending not only to children’s physical and emotional needs, but their intellectual and moral growth as well.
Parenting, especially in moral and religious matters, is very important and highly personal: while parents enlist others’ help in this task, the task is theirs. They are ultimately responsible for their children’s intellectual and moral maturity, so within broad limits they must be free to educate their children, especially on the deepest matters, as they judge best. This is why parental rights are so important: they provide a zone of sovereignty, a moral space to fulfill their obligations according to their consciences.

The right to parent is rather like the right to exercise one’s religion. Like parental duties, religious duties are serious and highly personal. This is why, absent the most serious reasons, it would be a grave violation of individual rights if the state prevented people from honoring what they regarded as their religious obligations. To subject children to indoctrination in deeply personal matters against their parents’ consciences is no less a violation than forcing Muslim parents to send their children to a Catholic Mass.

True, the state needs to protect children from abuse and neglect. It is also true that the state has a legitimate interest in reducing teenage pregnancy and the spread of sexually transmitted diseases. But it is not abuse or neglect to protect the innocence of preteenage children or to teach one’s children more conservative, as opposed to more liberal, moral values. Nor is it wrong or unreasonable to limit the state’s control over what one’s children learn and think about sensitive issues of morality. On the contrary, that is just what is required if parents are to fulfill their duties and exercise their legitimate rights.

Unless a broader parental opt out is added, New York City’s new policies will continue to usurp parents’ just (and constitutionally recognized) authority. Turning a classroom into a mandatory catechism lesson for a contested ideology is a serious violation of parental rights, and citizens of every ideological hue should stand up and oppose it.

Robert P. George is a professor of politics at Princeton and the founder of the American Principles Project. Melissa Moschella is a doctoral candidate in political theory at Princeton.